{"id":878,"date":"2025-07-24T21:42:37","date_gmt":"2025-07-24T21:42:37","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.youtubexyoutube.com\/?p=878"},"modified":"2025-08-01T13:49:55","modified_gmt":"2025-08-01T13:49:55","slug":"ganba-in-kiev-zelensky-goes-to-war-with-washingtons-men-2","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"http:\/\/www.youtubexyoutube.com\/index.php\/2025\/07\/24\/ganba-in-kiev-zelensky-goes-to-war-with-washingtons-men-2\/","title":{"rendered":"\u2018Ganba\u2019 in Kiev: Zelensky goes to war with Washington\u2019s men"},"content":{"rendered":"
Zelensky has picked a fight with Ukraine\u2019s Western-backed elites \u2013 and it may backfire<\/strong><\/p>\n Ukraine is seeing its first mass protests since the start of the conflict with Russia \u2013 and they\u2019re not about battlefield losses or conscription raids, but corruption. Or rather, a particular kind of corruption: the kind linked to Vladimir Zelensky\u2019s attempts to seize control of the country\u2019s anti-corruption agencies.<\/p>\n Since July 22, thousands have taken to the streets chanting \u201cGanba!\u201d<\/em> (\u201cShame!\u201d<\/em>), echoing the spirit of past Maidan uprisings. But this is no popular revolt. It\u2019s a turf war \u2013 an internal power struggle between two rival camps in Ukraine\u2019s elite.<\/p>\n On one side are Zelensky and his right-hand man, Andrey Yermak \u2013 let\u2019s call them the \u201cOffice faction,\u201d<\/em> based in Bankova Street. On the other are the foreign-funded NGOs, intelligence-linked assets, and the remnants of former President Pyotr Poroshenko\u2019s political machine. These include the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU) and the Specialised Anti-Corruption Prosecutor\u2019s Office (SAPO) \u2013 bodies created at the West\u2019s insistence to impose external control over Ukrainian politics.<\/p>\n The spark was a recent bill rammed through the Rada (national legislature) in emergency mode. The law stripped NABU and SAPO of their autonomy and placed them under the control of Ukraine\u2019s Prosecutor General \u2013 effectively, Zelensky\u2019s office. In other words, the very agencies tasked with investigating corruption must now report to the people they\u2019re meant to investigate.<\/p>\n Unsurprisingly, the \u201canti-corruption\u201d<\/em> camp cried foul. But this isn\u2019t really about clean government \u2013 it\u2019s about influence. For years, NABU and SAPO have operated as instruments of Western leverage, particularly from the Democratic Party establishment in Washington. They answered more to US and EU embassies than to the Ukrainian people. And Zelensky has finally had enough.<\/p>\n \n Read more<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n The timing is no accident. With Donald Trump back in power, the institutional support once enjoyed by the Poroshenko-era clique is fading. Zelensky saw an opening \u2013 and struck.<\/p>\n His first move came earlier this year with corruption cases targeting Poroshenko himself. Now, he\u2019s gone after the crown jewels of Western liberal influence in Kiev. The message is clear: there is to be no parallel power structure. The president wants full control.<\/p>\n But it may be a gamble too far. Western European officials, already frustrated with Kiev\u2019s domestic conduct, quickly warned that Ukraine\u2019s EU accession bid could be blocked. The opposition, sensing blood, brought people into the streets \u2013 and unlike previous protests, these gained traction fast. On Wednesday, the Bankova realised the crowd wasn\u2019t going home.<\/p>\n The real question now is whether Zelensky will stand firm or retreat. Early in his presidency, he was terrified of sharing Viktor Yanukovich\u2019s fate and often folded under public pressure. But war changes men. He now rules over a cleansed political landscape, has a wartime excuse to quash dissent, and is backed by a disciplined vertical of power. Yermak, a ruthless operator, may urge him to dig in.<\/p>\n